ITALY HAS A PROBLEM IN ITS APPROACH TO MIGRATION

Francesco Vespignani

The phenomenon of irregular migration in the Mediterranean Sea is not new and for years has been one of the main points of contention at the European level. It has recently come back to the fore as a new tragedy took place in southern Italy.  The Italian government, however, seems unwilling to deal with it, but rather prefers pointing the finger at different culprits every time.

On February 26 a boat carrying 150-200 people shipwrecked due to stormy weather in the Ionian Sea off the coast of Crotone, in Calabria. While authorities rescued over 81 people, the bodies of those who did not make it washed up for days on the shores of the town of Cutro. The death toll had reached 73, including 20 children, at the time of writing. The boat had left from Izmir, in western Turkey, three to four days prior to the shipwreck, and was carrying mostly migrants from Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran, and Somalia.

Human rights associations and representatives of the local communities have criticised the delays and the modalities that characterised the rescue operations of the Italian authorities. A central issue is that of responsibility: whether the coast guard could have acted earlier and whether it had been notified by Frontex on the whereabouts of the boat. Still, doubts remained that a timelier intervention could have saved more lives. The main target of critics has been Minister of the Interior Matteo Piantedosi, who denied any wrongdoing on the part of the coast guard and blamed the migrants themselves for the tragedy. His words echoed a similar remark he made last November, when scores of migrants were left waiting for days on board ships in Italian waters. From the United Arab Emirates, where she was on a diplomatic visit, Prime minister Giorgia Meloni has expressed her grief and condolences for the tragedy, thus striking a different note.

The right-wing government led by Meloni seemingly has a problem with migration. Not only with the sheer numbers of the flows (17.592 since the start of 2023 against 5.976 in the same period in 2022), but especially it seems unwilling to deal with it, relying instead on vague and contradicting declarations regarding the European Union, the countries of origin of the migrants, NGOs and the migrants themselves.

First, at the European level, Italian governments have long called for an effective cooperation and burden-sharing strategy with the other Union members. Currently, according to the Dublin Regulation, migrants have to apply for asylum in the country they first enter, meaning that Spain, Italy and Greece bear the brunt of the migration from the Mediterranean. In February the European Council has labelled migration as a common problem for the Union, but concrete action has yet to be taken. The Meloni government, however, instead of employing the art of diplomacy to its advantage within the Union (Italy is, after all, the third country in terms of importance and shares the issue with the southern states), has gone for the opposite in previous occasions. In November, it had unilaterally decided that the countries to which rescue ships belonged would take in the migrants saved at sea. Some countries begrudgingly accepted, others, such as France, did not and a short diplomatic spat ensued. Damaging relations with important partners over short-term measures rather than trying to cooperate for a long-term solution will not benefit Italy’s standing and reputation within the Union.

Second, Meloni’s government has placed great emphasis on curbing migration by reducing departures and inducing people not to leave. The envisaged way to do so is through dialogue with the countries migrants come from or from which they leave sailing towards Italian shores. This, however, is wishful thinking at best. Italy’s relations with many of these countries are not developed enough to achieve such an objective (ethical issues aside). Moreover, these governments are either unable to act on the issue or represent one of the main causes that prompt their citizens to leave.

Regarding transit countries, Libya is an important example. On February 2, the Memorandum of Understanding on Migration between Libya and Italy has been automatically renewed for a third three-year term. Originally signed on February 2, 2017, the agreement stipulates the provision of financial and technical assistance from Italy to the Libyan authorities. Considering the latter’s role in particular and the cases of abuses, torture, rape, disappearance, murder that characterise migrants’ experiences in the North African country, the situation presents a logistical problem and especially a moral and ethical dilemma that the current Italian government (and those before it, for that matter) seems willing to ignore. Meloni herself has visited Libya in January, pledging five new motorboats for its infamous coast guard.

Third, the rhetoric of shifting the blame of deaths at sea onto NGO rescue ships, smugglers, or the migrants themselves has become more common since the current government took office in September. Right-wing parties have been accusing NGO rescue ships that operate in the Mediterranean of increasing the number of migrants with their actions (the more people are saved the more will come knowing they will be saved). This rhetoric, which characterised Matteo Salvini’s stint as minister of interior in 2018-2019, is seemingly making a comeback. Moreover, the tragedy in Calabrian waters comes days after a new bill was passed, forcing NGOs and aid charities to perform one rescue mission at a time, potentially endangering the lives of many. In the meantime, over 3000 people have come to shore in the past week alone, adding further strain to the rescue and accommodation capabilities.

It is thus clear that these measures will not hope to solve the issue and may actually risk worsening the conditions for migrants both before, during, and after their crossing. Given Europe ‘s indecisiveness, the election campaign rhetoric of the Italian government on the issue, and the political instability in transit countries such as Tunisia and Libya, it is likely that many more will have to die before the countries of the region can agree on a structured and coordinated approach.